Listening to Rap: Cultures of Crime, Cultures of Resistance

comprehend to cut off husbandrys of offense, endings of Resistance Julian Tanner, University of Toronto Mark Asbridge, Dalhousie University Scot Wortley, University of Toronto This query comp bes representations of pick a circumstances melody with the self- opused criminal behavior and resistive artirudes of the practice of medicines nerve center audience. Our database is a large pattern of Toronro high-pitched up give lessons studenrs (n = 3,393) from which we identify a as soma of tryers, whose combination of symphonyal likes and dislikes distinguish them as misfortune univores.We indeed try the relationship between their heathen gustatory modality for hit unison and matter in a culture of abhorrence and their perceptions of favorable injustice and in right. We pay back thar the bang univores, similarly kn let as urban euphony enthusiasts, report pro embedly a lot delinquent behavior and tenderer feelings of inequity and injustice than take hee ders with new(prenominal) melodic tastes. However, we also mold thar the nature and strengths of those relationships vary according to rhe racial identity of different stems within urban medical specialty enthusiasts.B lack and face cloth sub comp boths queue themselves with oppositeness representations plot Asiatics do non neats and Asiatics report significant involvement in aversion and unrighteousness, while subduedens do non. Fin ally, we discuss our findings in light of enquiry on media effects and audience reception, younker subcultures and post-sub heathen analysis, and the sociology of heathen uptake. Thinking Ab forth strike The emergence and spectacular growth of shock is probably the most weighty development in frequent harmony since the rise of rock n roll in the late 1940s.Radio airplay, euphony video programming and sales figures argon obvious testimonies to its popularplaceity and commercial success. This was do particularly evident in O ctober 2003 when, according to the record industry sacred scripture Billboard mzgnzme, all top 10 acts in the get together States were whang or whack artists and again in 2006, when the Academy award for scoop out Song went to Its unexpressed Out Here for a Pimp, a solicit poem by the free radical Husde & Flow. Such developments whitethorn also polarity bugs increase social acceptance and ethnic legitimization (Baumann 2007). However, its reputation and attitude in the tuneful field has, hitherto, been a contr oversial 1.Like new medical specialty before it (jazz, rock n roll), belt ammunition has been critically reviewed as a sulfurous turn on callow and impressionable listeners (Best 1990 Tatum 1999 Tanner 2001 Sacco and Kennedy 2002 moro canvasn lovage 2003). Whether belt ammunition has been reviled as much as jazz and rock n roll originly were is a moot point rather more than certain is its pre-eminent region as a problematic modern-day melodiou s melodic style. Direct counterbalance to Julian Tanner, Department of genial Science University of Toronto at Scarborough, 1265Military Trail, Scarborough, Ontario, Canada, MIC 1A4. Telephone (416) 287-7293. netmail Julian. emailprotected ca. rh8 Uniiersily of sum Carolina cut Social Forces 88121 693-722, December 2009 694 Social Forces 88(2) In an important study of representations of popular music. Binder (1993) examined how print journalists wrote about shock and obtuse metal in the 1980s and 1990s. While twain atomic number 18 devalue music genres (Roe 1995), she nevertheless contends that they argon close in differently the presumed harmful effects of baleful metal be limited to the listeners themselves, whereas ping is seen as more socially modify (for a alike distinction, see Rose 1994).The lyrical contented of the 2 genres is established as one source of this differential flesh rap lyrics argon gear up to be more explicit and charged (greater usage of hard swear words, for example) than strained metal lyrics. The second cipher involves assumptions made (by journalists) about the racial composition of audiences for heavy metal and rap-the former believed to be white suburban juvenility, the latter urban black youth. agree to Binder, rap invites more public concern and censorious complaint than heavy metal because of what was assumed to be its largely black fan base.At the same time, she identifies an important counter ar electron orbit, one chemical element of which elevates rap ( nevertheless non heavy metal) to the status of an art form with serious political content. In both the mainstream press (i. e.. The New York Times) and publications tar countenanceing a predominately black readership (i. e.. Ebony and/i), she finds rap lauded for the salutary lessons that it imparts to black youth regarding the realities of urban living likewise, rap artists be applauded for their importance as role models and mentors to inner -city black youth.Thus, while rap has been chthonic(a)framed invalidatingly, as a contributor to an array of social problems, disgust and guilt in particular, it has also been celebrated and championed as an certain expression of cultural enemy by underdogs against racial exploitation and disadvantage. How these differing representations of rap qualification tickle with audience parts was not part of Binders search mandate. Furthermore, while she does acknowledge that ournalistic perceptions of the racial composition of the rap audience be not necessarily accurate-that more white suburban youth, even in the 1980s and 1990s, might shake been consuming the music than black inner-city youth-this acknowledgment does not alter her opening move or her seam. At this point in time, when the hearing audience for rap music has both expanded and become increasingly diverse, our question concerns how new-made black, white and Asian rap fans in Toronto, Canada relate to a me lodic form still viewed primarily in marges of its criminal and resistant meanings. questioning water tap Much of the early work on audiences preoccupied itself with study the harmful effects of media vulnerability, especially the effects of depictions of violence in movies and TV on real life criminal events. Results confine commonly been inconclusive, with enormous disagreement in the social science research community regarding the influence of the media on those watching the large ot minor screen (Curran 1990 Abercrombie and Longhurst 1998 Freedman 2002 Sacco and Kennedy 2002 Alexander 2003 Newman 2004 Savage 2004 Longhurst 2007). Listening to solicit 695Listening to popular music has, on occasion, been said to produce kindredly negative effects, although these too hasten prove difficult to verify. For example, in one high profile case in the 1980s, the heavy metal band Judas Priest was accused of producing put down bodily (songs) that contained subliminal messagi ng diat led to the suicides of two fans. This claim was not, however, judicially formalise because the judge hearing the case remained unconvinced about a causal linkage between the music and the self-destructive behavior of two individuals (Walser 1993). unfaltering arguments for the ill effects of media consumption rest on the assumption that audiences are easily and direcdy influenced by the media, with frequent analogies made to hypodermic syringes that inject meanss into naif and homogenous audiences (Abercrombie and Longhurst 1998 Alexander 2003 Longhurst 2007). In contesting this view of audience passivity, critics also visualize that texts are open to more than one interpretation. Again, TV udiences take on been analyze more frequently than audiences for popular music, although research on the latter has illustrated how song lyrics are not necessarily construed the same way by adolescents and adults. Research conducted by Prinsky and Rosenbaum (1987) denominates that songs identified by adults as containing aberrant content (references to sex, violence, alcoholic beverage and drug use, Satanism) were not similarly categorized by adolescents.Evidence that thither are diflferent ways of watching television or listening to recorded music has led to an alternative conception of audiences-one more concerned with what audiences do with the media than what the media does to audiences. The development within communications research of the uses and gratifications model (McQuail 1984) is one result, with TV once more the media form most commonly investigated.Nonetheless, a a few(prenominal) studies postulate documented how upstart mountain listen to popular music in order to satisfy needs for entertainment and relaxation (among different(a) priorities), and utilize it as an accompaniment to different(a) e realday activities, such as homework and household chores (Roe 1985 Prinsky and Rosenbaum 1987). More late(a) research has added identity gr ammatical construction as a need that popular music might gormandize for young listeners (Roe 1999 Gracyk 2001 Laughey 2006).One particular usage emphasized by British cultural Marxists associated with the now defunct Birmingham Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies has cerebrate attention on how active media audiences counter preponderating cultural messages in their consumption of popular culture. In what has, by now, become a old(prenominal) story, a serial of music-based, post-war youth cultures (Teddy Boys, Mods, Rockers, Skinheads, Punks) in the United Kingdom halt been represented as symbolically resisting the dominant normative order (Hall and Jefferson 1976 Hebdige 1979).This argument has, however, relied on a reading of cultural texts and artifacts for its evidentiary base, rather than observations of, or information from, subcultural participants themselves (Cohen 1980 Frith 1985 Tanner 2001 Bennett 2002 Alexander 2003). 696 Social Forces 8S(2) More recently, th e utility of the term subculture for understanding young slews collective involvements in music has been questioned. The focus of this disapproval is, once again, the Birmingham train and its conceptualization of subculture. Its critics argue that, nder conditions of post modernity, music audiences watch a bun in the oven fragmented, and young race are no womb-to-tomb participants in characteristic subcultural conventions (Bennett 1999b Muggleton 2000). Instead of subcultures, they are now involved vith neo tribes and scenes (i. e. , Bennett 1999b Bennett and Kahn-Harris 2004 Hesmondhalgh 2005 Longhurst 2007 Hodkinson 2008). send subcultural research has been much less inclined than the Birmingham era researchers to decode and decipher texts, and much more likely to engage in ethnographic studies of music and youth collections (Bennett 2002).However, while there has been occasional work on modes of (female) resistance in the tween scene (Lowe 2004) and riot girrrl scene ( Schily 2004), there has been no kindred research on rap scenes and resistance. Examinations of audience receptions of rap are not numerous and oblige been of two main kinds a few studies have explored how young community perceive and prise the music, while separates have examine the harmful effects of rap by trying to link consumption of the music with various negative consequences.An early study by Kuwahara (1992) finds rap to be more popular with black than white college students, and more popular among males than females. However, reasons for like the music varied little by hightail it, with both black and white audience members prioritizing the beat over the message. A more recent study by Sullivan (2003) reports few racial differences in care the music, although black teenagers were more committed to the genre and more likely to view rap as life affirming (Berry 1994) than those from early(a) racial place settings.In a small but important study conducted in Californi a, Mahiri and Connor (2003) investigated 41 black spirit school students perceptions of violence and thoughts about rap music. In focus concourse sessions and face-to-face interviews, informants revealed a strong lust for rap music, valuing the fact that it stave to their e preciseday concerns about growing up in a mischievously resourced community. They did not, however, like the way that rap music on occasion (mis)represented the experiences of black citizenry in the United States.They challenged the misogyny evident in round rap videos and rejected what they saw as the glamorization of violence. Overall, their critical and nuanced usage with rap music buy the farmted poorly with depictions of media audiences as easily swayed by popular culture (Sacco 2005). The search for the harmful effects of rap music has yielded no more definitive results than earlier quests for media effects.While some studies report point of increased violence, delinquency, substance use, and unsa fe sexual activity resulting from young peoples exposure to rap music (Wingood et al. 2003 Chen et al. 2006), other researchers have failed to find such a link or have exercised extreme caution when interpret ap conjure links. One review of the literature, conducted in the 1990s, could find a keep down of only nine investigations-all of them Listening to Rap 697 mall-scale, none involving the general adolescent population-and concluded that there was an even split hetween those that found some sort of an association between exposure to the music and various unnatural or undesirable outcomes, and those that could find no connection at all Moreover, in those studies where the music and the wrongdoing were linked, investigators were very circumspect about whether or not they were observing a causal relationship, and if so, which came premier(prenominal), the music or the violent tendencys (Tatum 1999). A mote recent investigation conducted in Montreal is illustrative of such int erpretative problems.While a preference for rap was found to predict deviant behavior among 348 Frenchspeaking adolescents, causal ordering could not be established, nor an additional opening night ruled out that other factors might be responsible for both the musical taste and the deviant behavior (Miranda and Claes 2004). The notion that rap is or can be represented as cultural resistance-the counter frame identified by Binder-has become increasingly prominent in the rap literature over the past 20 years (Rose 1994 Krims 2000 Keyes 2002 Quinn 2005). In his potent book.Why unobjectionable Kids Love Hip hop Wankstas, Wiggers, Wannabes, and the new humans of ladder in America, Kitwana (2005) expounds at length on his emancipatory view of raps history and development. Kitwana sees knock as a form of protest music, offering its listeners a message ofresistance. He also makes the additional claim that the resistive appeal of hip-hop is not restricted to black youth. Indeed, as the tide of his book suggests, he is patticularly participationed in the patronage of rap music by white youth, those young people who might be seen as the contemporary equivalents of Mailers White Negro or Keys Negro Wannabes. (Keyes 2002250) In his view, the global diffusion of rap rests on the musics capacity for resonating with the experiences ofthe downtrodden and marginalized in a variety of cultural contexts. Quinn (2005) similarly explains the crossover appeal of gangsta rap in the United States in call ofthe common sensibilities and insecurities shated by post Fordist youth. She continues umteen young whites, face up bleak labor market prospects, were also eager for stories about immobile money and authentic belonging to ward off a travel palpate of placelessness and dispossession. (Quinn 200585-86) Thus, raps appeal is as much about mark as it is about race. Nor is the resistive view of rap restricted to the North American continent. At least one French study-conduct ed in advance ofthe riots in the fall of 2005 -has noted how French Rap has become the music of prime(prenominal) for young people of visible minority descent who have fully grown up in the suburban ghettos (Les Cities) of major cities. They have been routinely expose to police harassment on the streets, subjected to prejudice and discrimination at school, and struggled to find decent housing and appropriate jobs (Bouchier 1999, cited in Miranda and Claes 2004).The idea that popular music might serve as an important reference point for refractory or resistive adolescents is not a new one. As we have already noted, this is how a British school of subcultural analysis once interpreted the cultural activity of wotking-class youth in the United Kingdom (Hall and Jefferson 1976 Hebdige 698 Social Forces 88(2) 1979). Some attempt has been made to understand rap fandom in similar terms. Bennetts (1999a) ethnographic study, set in Newcastle, reveals how one group of white rappers cons true the racial politics of blacks into the language of class divisions in the United Kingdom.However, for the most part there has been limited application of this kind of analysis to young peoples involvement with rap music. Rap scholars who construe the music as an authentic expression of cultural resistance directed against exploitation and disadvantages at school, on the streets, or in the labor market, do so primarily without much input from the young people who make up its listening audience. Because they have not often been canvassed for their views about the music, we do not know to what full point they share in or identify with the message of resistance quick ound in content analysis of the rap idiom (Martinez 1997 Negus 1997 Krims 2000 Stephens and Wright 2000 Bennett 2001 Sullivan 2003 Kubrin 2005 Quinn 2005 Lena 2006). Thus contemporary rap scholarship follows British subcultural theory in gleaning evidence of resistance from the texts, not the audience. Resistance is sought, and found, in the words and music rather than in the activities and ideologies of subcultures or audience members. We can suggest, echoing Alexanders (2003) earlier critique of British cultural studies, that the audience for rap music has been theorized rather more good than it has been investigated.The Present cogitation The present study is concerned with three key questions First, is there a relationship between audiences for rap and representations of the music? Second, as compared to other listening audiences, are serious rap fans participants in cultures of crime and resistance? Third, if such a link is found, what are the sources of variation in their community in these cultures of crime and resistance? The need to address these questions, as we see it, emerges from several limitations in the existing research on rap.These limitations are as follows First, there is a significant disjuncture between dominant representations of the music as a source of social harms an d evidence unambiguously supportive of this proposition. Second, the case for a resistant view of rap music is usually advanced, as we have already intimated, by examination of the designs and intentions of musical creators, both artists and producers, as well as music critics. We do not know whether or not resistant messages register and resonate with those who listen to the music.Third, we do not have an accurate gauging of the sociodemographic composition, particularly racial and heathen, of the audience for rap music. Raps dominance of the youth market is widely understood as a crossover effect-the original black audience now linked by legions of white fans (Spiegler 1996 Yousman 2003). However, purchasing habits-the usual arbiter for claims about raps increasing popularity with white consumers-may not be an entirely reliable measure of to each one(prenominal) raps popularity or racial and ethnic variations therein (Krims 2000 Quinn 2005).The system devised by the recordin g industry to gauge record Listening to Rap 699 sales-Nielson Soundscape-does not play data on the race, or indeed some(prenominal) other someoneal characteristic, of purchasers. What it does do is categorize sales in terms of whether they were made in retail stores in high-income locations or in lowincome locations. Record companies, journalists or academics then choose to equate those high-income sales with white suburban youth, and low-income sales with inner-city black youth, but are doing so without any direct measures of the racial background or identity of buyers (Kitwana 2005).Moreover, it has been argued that sales figures under represent the taste preferences of the poor. (Quinn 200583) As Rose (1994) explains it, in the black community, particularly in impoverished neighborhoods, many more rap CDs are listened to than bought-a single purchase organism passed on from one fan to some other(prenominal). Similarly, homemade tapes and bootleg CDs are often produced and shared out within local fan networks.The implications of this point are clear plentiful the appropriation of rap music by suburban white teens might not be as extensive as is commonly supposed. Finally, we do not know whether or how the rap audience relates to the dominant frame of the music as a catalyst for crime and delinquency or to the counter frame of the music as an articulator of social inequity. The mainstreaming of rap may have cost the genre its underground or counter-culture status as protest music, or made it less attractive to delinquent rebels.Rap also may play no part in crime or resistance subcultures because, under post modern conditions, young people have become increasingly eclectic and individualized in their musical tastes the close relationship between musical tastes and lifestyles, implied by subcultural theory, no longer applies. On this formulation, wherefore, we would not expect to find strong connections between a preference for rap music and subculture s of crime and subcultures of resistance. On the other hand, reasons for accept that rap music may be a basis for subcultural lifestyles, at least among black youth, are more compelling.At the time that we were conducting our research there was considerable look at, in the local media and among local politicians, about issues involving race and crime-racial profiling and the desirability of collecting race-based crime statistics, for example. Contributing to this debate were findings from another study, confirming what black youths in Canada have always suspected, namely that they are much more likely to be arbitrarily stopped and searched by police officers than are members of other racial and ethnic groups-even when their own self-repotted deviant activity is statistically controlled for (Wordey and Tanner 2005).In addition, contemporaneous research on the media coverage of race and crime in Toronto newspapers carried out by Wortley (2002), found black people disproportionately portrayed in a delineate range of roles and activities (principally those involving crime, sports and entertainment) than members of other racial and ethnic groups and when featured in crime stories, depicted primarily as offenders. Capricious policing and media misrepresentation may therefore contribute to a spirit of injustice among black youth, a sense of injustice that has them gravitating to rap as an emblem of cultural resistance. 00 Social Forces SS2) commercial success and artistic valorization has not diminished rap musics capacity to get up clean-living panic. The music is still seen as threatening, dangerous and socially damaging by many political figures and established authority. Previous research suggests that negative media coverage ofthe cultural preferences and practices of adolescents often intensifies subcultural identifications (Cohen 1973 Fine and Kleinman 1979 Thornton 1995). Rap based moral panics may therefore tighten connections between the music and d elinquent lifestyles and/or resistive attitudes and behaviors.The lack of attention paid to raps consumers renders these questions relatively open ones, the meaning of rap music still to be discovered. Methods Whereas most contemporary research on rap focuses on those who create the music-artists and producers, and those who write about it, music critics-we pose questions about raps audience. Further, while audience studies usually employ soft data-gathering techniques (for example, Morley 1980 Radway 1984 Shively 1992), we use the methods of assess research. We are more concerned with how audience members move with the music than with the issue of cause and effect.We are interested in how music might be used as a resource in their everyday lives (Willis 1990 DeNora 2000), how it might contribute to identity formation (Roe 1999) and, especially, how audiences might align themselves with (or distance themselves from) cultures of crime and resistance. Nonetheless, in our analyses, we treat rap fandom as a dependent variable. While there is considerable academic and public debate about whether music produces or is a product of cultural activities, legal or otherwise, existing research has failed to provide a compelling or consistent rationale for any particular causal logic.As we have seen, the idea that exposure to rap music causes crime is not unambiguously supported in the research literature. Research on resistant youth cultures, by contrast, is much more likely to reverse the relationship and see musical style as a result of subcultural activity (Willis 1978 Hebdige 1979). Hebdige, for example, infers that seamy rock in the United Kingdom was a cultural resolution to the subordination of existing working-class youth groups. Laing (1985) has countered that chintzy the musical genre existed before punk the subculture.In the absence of agreement about the bearing of the relationship between musical taste and cultural practices, our decision to operatio nalize rap appreciation as a dependent variable is made more for pragmatic, heuristic reasons than unassailable theoretical ones. Our strategy is to focus on listening preferences rather than purchasing habits. By asking students to report on and evaluate the music that they like, dislike and in what combinations, we gain a clearer and more exposit picture of where rap is situated in the consumption patterns of groups of students differentiated by, among other factors, their racial identity.Our goals are to (1. distinguish students with a serious, exclusive taste for rap from more casual fans (2. to calculate the Listening to Rap 701 size and racial makeup of rap musics prime audience and (3. to map relationships between that core audience and resistant and delinquent repertoires. Few surveys of general populations of young people have established any kind of connection between rap and deviancy, net of other factors. We contend that raps reputation as a blistering force is valida ted by that linkage, and that without it that representation becomes more ontestable. A similar logic applies to the relationship between rap and social protest. The claim that the music carries a serious message-that it is an expression of resistant values and perceptions-is substantiated with evidence of a link between the music and a collective sense of inequity, and shortened by its absence. Data The data for this research are drawn from the Toronto young abuse and Victimization Study, a stratified cross-sectional survey of Toronto adolescents carried out from 1998 through with(predicate) 2000 (Tanner and Wordey 2002).Self-administered questionnaires were completed by 3,393 Toronto students ages 13-18, from 30 Metropolitan Toronto high schools in both die Cadiolic (10 schools) and larger Public School (20 schools) systems. Within each school, one class from each grade, 9 (ages 13 and 14) through 13 (ages 18 and 19), was randomly selected. The overall response rate was 83 per cent (83. 4% for Catholic vs. 83. 1% for public schools), and is a conservative envision as it was based on the number of students enrolled in each class rather than those present the day of the study.Informed consent was given for participation in the study. Surveys were completed during class under the supervision of a member of the research team (and without a teacher present) and took approximately 45 minutes to complete. The survey asked young people about a broad range of topics, including family life, educational experiences, vacant activities, delinquent involvement, victimization experiences and so forth. The survey dick was designed by members of the research team and evolved out of a series of 11 focus groups with adolescents in Toronto schools.The completed survey was reviewed by a series of institutional ethics boards, including those at the University of Toronto, the Toronto Public School placard and the Catholic School Board. As the survey does not include high s chool dropouts, institutionalized youth and street youth, it is a school sample and thus any generalizations speak only to the experiences of school-based adolescents. Our sample is ethnically and racially diverse and is representative of the Metropolitan Toronto high school population. Measures medical specialtyal Preferences point by Bourdieus work (1984) and Petersons recasting of musical taste in terms of omnivorous and univorous patterns (1992), we focus our attention on 702 Social Forces 88(2 how musical choices are combined if young people wish (or disliked) one style or genre, what other styles or genres did they like or dislike (what train Eijck 2001 has referred to as combinatorial logic). Indicators of musical taste were derived from the question How much do you like each of the succeeding(a) types of music? Respondents were then asked to evaluate each of 11 contempotary musical genres Soul, Rhythm and Blues, Jazz, Hip/Hop and Rap, Reggae and Dance Hall, Greco-Roman and Opera, Country and New Country, Pop, Alternative (including Punk, Grunge), Heavy Metal (Hard Rock), Ethnic medicinal drug (traditional/ cultural), and Techno (Dance). practice of medicineal tastes were assessed on a five-point Likert scale that addresses whether respondents liked the musical genre very much, quite a lot, a little bit, not very much or not at all.Unlike previous research that dichotomized musical tastes, focusing exclusively on the musical genres most liked (Peterson and Kern 1996) or disliked (Bryson 1996), we target the level of appreciation (or lack of appreciation) each respondent has for a particular musical genre. For space considerations a detailed overview of the clustering procedure has been omitted but is available upon request. We employed a two-stage cluster analysis (hierarchical agglomerative and -means) procedure to derive groupings of adolescent musical tastes.Cluster analysis assembles respondents based on their common responses to questions/ m easures, and is useful for identifying relatively homogenous groups, groups that are highly intetnally homogenous (members are similar to one another) and highly externally heterogeneous (members are not like members of other clusters) (Aldenderfer and Blashfield 1984). Employing cluster analysis techniques, we uncovered seven musical taste clustets. card 1 outlines the results of our cluster analysis.The largest group (n = 616) was the Club Kids, composed of those who report an to a higher place average enjoyment of techno and dance, mainstream pop, and hip-hop and rap. Next were the urban harmony enthusiasts (n = 605). Members of this group combined a strong appreciation of Rap and Hip Hop with considerable disinterest in most other musical styles. These adolescents are the primary focus ofthe current study. Then there was a plumb large (n = 482) group of youth, the New Traditionalists, who have an above average liking of classical music and opera, jazz, soul, R&B, country mu sic and mainstream pop.The fourth largest (n = 425) group, the Hard Rockers, comprised a sizeable number of heavy metal and hard rock, alternative, punk and grunge fans. Then there was a surprisingly large (n = 384) group of adolescents, the medicineal Abstainers, who are only marginally interested in any kind of music. The group we call the Ethnic Culturalists (n = 380) were so described because of a dominant preference for a quite wide range of ethnic music, as well as a greater than average liking for soul and R&B, jazz, classical music and opera, country music techno and dance, and mainstream pop.The smallest group (n = 338), the medicamental Omnivores, was composed of those who have an above average appreciation for all 11 musical genres. These clusters vary considerably, not only in the musical Listening to Rap 703 Q-CM O O U O O U O O U O O -COIOCOCOCNJCJCOIO T c3 h h c o 3 UJ CD o .Si i -T COCOCDCO s m eu rocMincDco -T CMC3 co co i Q. CL tu . S o .2 U) o tu tpcooin C NJcOCOCOcdcOCMCOM-COCNI co TCMOCI5 ? CO en (U ro o 0 Q. CL ro o en CM CM co cD t n tu . 2 2 Oi tn -D C to to CZJ eu co CNI co o tD tu. . _ 2 CD O en c o c 03 sa sV ndical . 0011 V CL ro o tu . S P o idd tn tu V p. 704 Social Forces 8H2) likes and dislikes, but also with respect to sociodemographic, socioeconomic class indicators, and measures of school experience, cultural capital, leisure patterns and subcultural delinquency (Tanner, Asbridge and Wortley 2008). Social Injustice, Property Crime and Violent Crime The sense of injustice that rap is said to speak to often involves the dealings that young people have with the police and courts.Six items in our questionnaire invited respondents to evaluate their perceptions of the equity of the criminal justice system, fairness in the educational system, and more general perceptions of the pertainity of opportunity in Canada. Some of the questions addressed racebased inequality, while others invoked age, class- and gender-based dis crimination. These hexad items were condensed into a scale and standardized (alpha = . 65) with higher values indicating greater feelings of social injustice. Respondents were also invited to report their participation in illegal activities.Our measures of crime and delinquency covered a spectrum of activities, varied by type and seriousness. Two scales items are constructed based on the following question How many times in the past year have you done any of the following things? Would you assure never, once or twice, several times, or many times? The first scale captures involvement in berth crime, including self-reported property damage, thievery under $50, break of serve into a car, stealing a car, stealing a bike, breaking and entering a home, drug dealing and theft over $50 (alpha = . 6). The second scale measures violent offending and includes carrying a hidden apparatus such as a gun or dig in public, using physical force on another soul to get money or other things, attacking someone with the idea of naughtily hurting him or her, hitting or threatening to hit a parent or teacher, getting into a physical fight with someone, and pickings part in a fight where a group of friends were up against another group (alpha = . 81). SES, School Measures and Cultural CapitalThe impact of students sociodemographic backgrounds is ab initio examined in terms of demographic variables-age, gender, Canadian identity (Do you pretend of yourself as Canadian? -a measure of perceived inclusion in Canadian society), and race. Socioeconomic status is captured through indicators of parents and family situation, and includes measures of parental educational attainment (whether or not they had attended postsecondary education), family intactness (whether or not respondents grew up in a two-parent household), a measure of subjective social class based on perceptions of family income.Next we include a set of measures related to educational attainment, experiences and exp ectations self-reported grades (proportion receiving loosely As), skipping school, gap from school, educational stream (general or academic stream) and a more evaluative question about the degree of importance that young people attached to education. Listening to Rap 705 Finally, we include a measure of respondents own cultural capital activities.While mainly used as an business relationship of educational and occupational attainment (DiMaggio 1982 DiMaggio and Mohr 1995 Aschaffenburg and Maas 1997), measures of cultural capital have also been deployed to uncover dispositions, or orientations, towards the arts (Bourdieu 1984 Swartz 1997). We use it here as a further measure ofthe characteristics and lifestyles ofthe audience for rap-its possession bestowing status upon individuals and the music that they listen to, its absence denoting the opposite.Our seven-item cultural capital index comprises both traditional highbrow pursuits-going to the symphony, visiting museums-and the s orts of respectable leisure activities (playing a musical instrument, attention cultural events, going to the library, reading a book for pleasure and hobbies) that contribute to the cultural resources available to young people. The sum of these seven items is standardized and has an alpha of . 65. descriptive statistics and other details on all measures can be found in Appendix A. Analytic Procedure Multivariate logistic simple regression is employed in four separate analyses.First, a strong preference for Rap and Hip/Hop- creation an Urban euphony Enthusiast-is regressed on sociodemographic, socioeconomic status and school measures. Next, we regress being an Urban Music Enthusiast on sociodemographic, socioeconomic status and school measures for three racial groups-white, black and Asian/South Asian youth. For each racial group we run four separate models that include baseline measures only, followed by models that add social injustice, property crime and violent crime. All ana lyses were conducted with the Stata 8. computer program (StataCorp 2001) using the survey commands that account for intra-cluster correlation due to the complex sampling strategy. Results We can cursorily confirm the enormous popularity of rap with our respondents. It has the highest average approval rating of any musical genre, with some 33 percent of students saying that they liked it very much, and 21 percent saying that they liked it quite a lot. Rap clearly appeals to a broad range of young listeners and is, therefore very much part of a common music culture among high school students.But our cluster analysis (Table 1) also isolates a group of students who enjoy rap music and little else. Examining the approval radng for each music genre relative to the cluster means, where scores approaching 1 designate a strong approval ofthe genre, and scores approaching 5 indicate a strong dislike, demonstrates that Urban Music Enthusiasts have a strong preference for rap and hip-hop, reg gae and dance hall a more inhibit liking for soul and R&B, and a below average liking for all other musical genres.We think that our Urban Music Enthusiasts fit the profile of music univores-individuals who appreciate a few musical styles while disliking everything 706 Social Forces mi) else-as described in the research of Peterson (1992) and Bryson (1997). Bryson links univorous taste among American adults to low status, particular racial and ethnic groups, and regional differences. She also notes that univorous taste, when compared to omnivorous taste, is more likely to be related to what she calls subcultural spheres. (Bryson 1997147) Our Urban Music Enthusiasts depend to be rap univores who may also be adhering to sub-cultural spheres. Of the 605 Urban Music Enthusiasts in our sample, 275 A6%) are black, 117 (19%) are white, 115 (19%) are Asian or South Asian, and 98 (16%) are from other racial groups. These figures tell us that young black people still comprise the central component of the rap audience moreover, roughly 57 percent of black youth is Urban Music Enthusiasts). At the same time, we observe evidence of a significant racial crossover. White Urban Music Enthusiasts constitute 8. 6 percent of the white students in our sample, while Asian Urban Music Enthusiasts make up 9. 5 percent of all Asian students.The racial composition of the Urban Music Enthusiast taste culture prompts two further questions Eirst, of the black students surveyed, what factors in addition to race predict their univorous interest in rap? Second, of white and Asian students, what factors encourage their involvement in an essentially black music culture, an involvement that clearly sets them apart from other white and Asian students? Table 2 provides results for Urban Music Enthusiasts membership regressed on sociodemographic, socioeconomic status and school measures, with separate analyses for white, black and Asian/South Asian young people.Paying particular attention to the findings for each racial group, what is common to all three groups of Urban Music Enthusiasts is that, compared to other students in our sample, they are poorly endowed with cultural capital and are not especially good students. Few other background factors have any significant or consistent impact upon a disposition towards Urban Music. For white students, parental SES, family structure and subjective social class, have no bearing upon their musical preferences, whereas school suspension and poor grades are strong predictors.For black students. Urban Music enthusiasm is more common among younger students and those less likely to identify as Canadian. Being a black youth identified as an Urban Music Enthusiast is also strongly related to growing up in a single-parent family and skipping school. For their part, Asian/South Asian youth are something of an anomaly-among them. Urban Music Enthusiasm is positively associated with social class and having well-educated mothers-but lik e other Urban Music Enthusiasts it is also strongly related to school suspension and skipping school.We are less interested, however, in the sociodemographic and socioeconomic factors that may lead to being an Urban Music Enthusiast than in the relationship between being a Urban Music Enthusiast and representations of rap-either as part of a culture of resistance and/or as a basis for subcultural delinquency. Tables 3 through 5 describe the distribution of being an Urban Music Enthusiast across three racial groups (white, black, Asian/South Asian) as shaped by perceptions Listening to Rap 707 I i I u (O re (/ CO o (U 1. 76 4. 37 ,01a V re . r o U c n t CO CO cr CD CO CO CD CM CNl T CD CN? -iCO CNJ . CNj CO r-1 2 . o o CO CO c n 0 5 t-- M ,59c ,55c I CO ro ro CNl CD c n r CO CZ CO CO CNJ cu CD CO CO CNl CO o CNI m E cn o O) T T LO r CO CNl CN LO CD CZ CM LO e n LO CO CD LO CM o ro CNJ c n CO CO u o O r-. CO h T CO CM -sj- CO CO CO ,41 ro CO u o u CO CO CO CO LO o ro ro CM LO T CO T c u LO c n -. 11 -3. 67 Tl- CNl l CO cp h.. LO cn CO T LO CO CO C35 CNJ CNl C D CO h CJ) CO CD LO CNl c n CO LO CNl c n CI3 c n r CO CD CO CO T- CU T CO CO r l CO CD CO h- CO J ro c j o LO LO r- I CO CT CO LO CD CO o I co O5 o lO Tt lO t * CM t co LO r T co CD csi ro g co E Q S o 0 CM 05 EntlNusi ts Memi nd Vioie Prop iociai Stice t-ratlo _o , 0 E o. E Q. / fV le 0 S 0 rat g CO t- -aO5 CIS co co CM r. CM r i r j co cz co co OO m LO co r-.. co T en lO CM LO CO o r cz CM r UO OO T l I CD 1 LO CD T O CSI CO CO T T- T- OO CO oq LO O I 05 h co LO C3 CSl i T- c s i T- c s i re re 3 s o 0 CM LO * O CD CD CJ C 3 CO T CO co Ti i.. OO co T 1 CM CD O ) OO CD co eu r O r co CD ci u 3 S ice a Bas iViod _o d) ro .? 5 S V 3 iO r- co CM CM LO CD CD CM LO CD LO co o LO T T- T cri i- c o h c o CM o CD CM OO h- oq CO csi T- csi T- CD s c 0 ?ai ir 1 ? ir _3 s oc 0 CSJ T I CD CD c o CN co OO co i csi CSI C3 co CD T t co O CD o 3 o u 0 coiSS ? 3 (O re CL O) O a ro . re 0) Logi . O fe 5 5 ID ? -O Et iyMA-d3. 1997. What About the Univores? Musical Dislikes and Group-Based identity operator wind Among Americans with Low Levels of Education. Poetics 25(2-3) 141-56. Chen, Meng-Jinn J. , Brenda Miller, Joel Grube and Elizabeth Waiters. 2006. Music, Substance Use and Aggression. journal of Studies on Alcohol 67(3)373-81. Cohen, Stanley. 973. kinship group Devils and Moral Panics. MacCibbons and Kee. 1980. 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Descriptive Statistics for all Measures Variables Independent Measures fester Gender Do you identify yourself as Canadian Race cryptanalysis Years Male Female Mean/ Cases Percent 3331 1696 1700 2533 16. 62 49. 9 50. 1 74. 8 25. 39. 4 14. 2 11. 5 19. 3 15. 7 31. 5 68. 4 27. 0 73. 0 76. 7 23. 3 3. 26 Yes No White Black Asian South Asian different 850 1334 Father Received Postsecondary Education Mother Received Postsecondary Education Two-Parent Fa mily 480 391 653 531 1073 2327 inherent Social Class 1 (poor) to 5 (rich) Z-score Cultural Capital vacant (index of frequency of involvement in playing a musical instrument, attending cultural events, volunteering, going to meetings/ belonging to organizations, going to the library, going to the symphony or opera, going to the museum, reading a book for pleasure, and involvement with hobbies, with an a=. O). induce been suspended from school at least once Have skipped school at least once Primarily receive A Grades Educational Stream Education is Important Part of Life Yes No Yes No Yes No 917 2483 2609 791 3032 3325 Yes No Yes No Yes No Educational General 450 2950 2493 907 1092 2308 2642 13. 2 86. 8 73. 3 26. 7 32. 1 7. 9 78. 0 22. 0 71. 8 28. 2 18. 7 81. 3 736 2309 Yes No 905 605 2625 3277Dependent Measures Yes Urban Music Enthusiasts No Social Injustice (index of amount of agreement or Z-score disagreement regarding the following statements people from my racial group are mo re likely to be unfairly stopped and questioned by the police than people from other racial groups discrimination makes it hard for people from my racial group to find a good job discrimination makes it difficult for people from my racial group to get good marks in school students from rich families have an easier time getting ahead than students from poor families everyone has an equal chance of getting ahead in Canada it is rare for an innocent person to be wrongly sent to jail, with an a=. 65). continued on the following page 722 Social Forces 88(2 Appendix A. ontinued Coding Variables Independent Measures Property Crime (index of frequency of involvement Z-score in breaking into cars, minor theft under $50, property damage, stealing bikes, breaking and entering into homes, stealing cars, major theft over $50, and drug dealing, with an pi=. 86), _ . Violent Crime (index of frequency of carrying a hidden Z-score weapon like a gun or knife in public, using physical force on anoth er person to get money or other things attacked someone with the idea of severely hurting that person, hit or threatened to hit a parent or teacher, getting into a physical fight with someone, and taken part in a fight where a group of friends were up against another arouD. with an a=. 81). Mean/ Cases Percent 3344 3288 Copyright of Social Forces is the property of University of North Carolina Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to quaternary sites or